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Review

“If you’re wondering about the widening fissure between red and blue America, why politics these days have become so fraught and so emotional, Kathy Cramer is one of the best people to ask.” (Jeff Guo Washington Post)“Helps answer a question that has been plaguing political commentators since last November: Why did Donald Trump win in Wisconsin? Everyone has a theory—Hillary Clinton’s campaign strategies, Trump’s appeal to protectionism, GOP voter suppression—and most of them have some truth. But one must also understand Wisconsin, a so-called purple state with a stark urban/rural divide, if one is to understand the national rage that swept Trump into the White House. . . . [Politics of Resentment] illuminate[s] the state’s Republican shift and chart[s] a way forward for reversing it.” (Nation 2017-07-20)“Cramer, a political science professor at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, got in her car and drove around rural Wisconsin to learn how voters there actually discuss politics when they talk to each other over coffee and in discussion groups.… These conversations—many of which she quotes verbatim—infuse The Politics of Resentment with a complex humanity that is rare in books about public opinion. The payoff is a narrative with both nuance and depth.” (Lee Drutman Washington Monthly)"The Politics of Resentment is an important contribution to the literature on contemporary American politics. Both methodologically and substantively, it breaks new ground." (Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare)"One wishes more scholars followed Cramer’s lead. . . . this is a well-written and theoretically rich book. Given recent events, it provides a much-needed corrective to the more journalistic accounts of white working-class voters, ones bereft of the rigor Cramer deploys. The Politics of Resentment, to my mind, is required reading to understand rural support for Scott Walker in Wisconsin; and also what might motivate Trump supporters more generally. Cramer’s book deserves all of the attention it’s received thus far." (Public Opinion Quarterly)“Cramer spent years carefully listening to ‘ordinary’ people talking about politics and power, then used their words to produce an indelible portrait of the mind and heart of contemporary populism. The Politics of Resentment is the smartest, richest, and most humane work of political science I have read in a very long time.” (Larry M. Bartels, Vanderbilt University)“Cramer develops a new theory and uses it to show how identity-based rural resentments animate much public opinion in Wisconsin. Governor Scott Walker’s success in cutting government and weakening unions makes Cramer’s study of Badger state politics especially important. This is pathbreaking work.” (John Zaller, University of California, Los Angeles)

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About the Author

Katherine J. Cramer is professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, where she is also director of the Morgridge Center for Public Service and an affiliate faculty member in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication, the LaFollette School of Public Affairs, the Department of Forest and Wildlife Ecology, the Wisconsin Center for the Advancement of Postsecondary Education, and the Center for Community and Nonprofit Studies. She is the author of Talking about Race and Talking about Politics, both also published by the University of Chicago Press.

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Product details

Series: Chicago Studies in American Politics

Paperback: 298 pages

Publisher: University of Chicago Press; 1 edition (March 23, 2016)

Language: English

ISBN-10: 022634911X

ISBN-13: 978-0226349114

Product Dimensions:

6 x 0.7 x 9 inches

Shipping Weight: 9.6 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)

Average Customer Review:

4.1 out of 5 stars

63 customer reviews

Amazon Best Sellers Rank:

#140,883 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

The Politics of Resentment Book Review Ms. Kramer, a University of Wisconsin—Madison Political Science Professor, explored a recent political paradox, “We live in a time of increasing economic inequality, and yet voters continue to elect politicians whose policies respond very disproportionately to the preferences of affluent people.” She examined the origins of this paradox in her home state of Wisconsin, for which rural voters recently tipped the balance from a blue to a red state, seemingly against their own interests. To better understand the opinions of these voters as reported by the usual technique of polling, she personally and repeatedly participated in multiple informal discussions of thirty-nine groups scattered throughout Wisconsin for six years {2007-2012}. The study identified a very rural identity with “us versus them” characteristics leading to resentment of urban and political elites, public employees, and diverse urban populations. A “rural consciousness” was identified that included “three major components…a perception that rural areas do not receive their fair share of decision-making power, that they are distinct from urban (and suburban) areas in their culture and lifestyle (and these differences are not respected), and that rural areas do not receive their fair share of public resources.” In addition, they believed they worked much harder for lower wages than less deserving urbanites, public employees, and recipients of public assistance and that their culture and communities were dying as a result of these discrepancies. Reports are reviewed for previous examinations of these perceived discrepancies by the usual political science statistical techniques. At a superficial level, those reports show that rural residents are right about receiving considerably lower wages but wrong about not getting their fair share of public funds. In 2011, per capita median income was in excess of $70,000 for the richest suburbs, about $55,000 for urban counties (without considering the urban poor), and about $40,000 for completely rural counties. Per capita combined state and federal tax revenues were greater than $10,000 for the richest suburbs, over $6,000 for urban counties, and about $4,000 for rural counties. Per capita percentage returned from taxes paid was about 65% state and 150% federal for urban counties and about 100% state and over 400% federal for rural counties (both state and federal graphs skewed by outliers). However, Ms. Kramer found that the answers from this political science approach didn’t really match the concerns of rural citizens on several important points. The revenues returned to rural regions were often in the form of programs imposed upon then by urban and political elites and staffed by public employees who lived among them. Rural citizens perceived the politicians to be tone deaf to their real needs and the programs to be contrary to their real interests. They perceived the local public employees to be outsiders (them rather than us) with much easier work, better salaries, and enormously better benefits than they had. They perceived their hard-earned tax dollars to be wasted on these programs, public employees, and transfers to what they saw as undeserving urban minorities. This perspective suggests that voters’ preference for limited government was not rooted in libertarian political principles or identification as Republicans but in a strong rural identity with the perception that services were not benefiting deserving, hard-working people like themselves. Politicians, such as Scott Walker, skillfully directed these rural resentments away from Republican policies that favor affluent people and redirected them toward government, the people who work for it, and urban areas that are home to liberals and people of color. This rural identity with these strong resentments was already firmly established as the result of long-standing difficult rural circumstances and generations of community members teaching these ideas to one another in the context of the national political debate. Scott Walker merely reaped the harvest of a field already prepared for him (how’s that for a rural metaphor?). So what are the lessons from these findings? First, as on the national level, citizens tend to vote according to personal identities rather than specific policy preferences, with attitudes toward social groups doing the work of ideology. Ms. Kramer examined the rural identity and its resentments in her state. Nationally, numerous additional divisive identities have been experienced, including those involving race, gender, Northerners versus Southerners, and so on. Second, in Wisconsin, it is necessary to reassess what is going on in rural places and reconsider the policy responses. 1) It is possible that resources rural communities are receiving are not effectively addressing the needs of rural communities. 2) It is likely that some of the resources rural communities are receiving are invisible to the people who live there so they are unaware of the programs they use. 3) The manner in which policy is created and delivered is important. If rural residents feel they have been listened to and respected, they may feel different about the programs that result.My comments about the book: My main criticism of the book is that the “Where Does Rural Consciousness Come From?” section is inadequate. Radio was dismissed as a source with the comment that public radio transcripts were unavailable but that state and local newspapers were a reliable indicator of the local news environment. Has the author never heard of talk radio? Is she unaware of the enormous audience of Rush Limbaugh? As for local newspapers, her study of papers from 2007 to 2011 doesn’t begin to cover the period necessary for “generations of community members teaching these ideas to each other”. In my view, her approach likely missed a substantial contribution from several decades of the extensive Koch political network propaganda machine firmly embedding these ideas in rural and other identities.

Katherine Cramer spent a couple years traveling to small-town Wisconsin to listen to people about politics. She’s a great listener, and this book is the result. It’s a bit repetitive in places, and too much of the account reflects a relatively small share of her groups. Still, it’s a great window into the collective minds of the small-town Midwest.Her core argument concerns how rural resentment of urban people and their governments shapes both rural identity and their politics. It’s obviously a timely book in light of Trump’s ability to tap that resentment in a few key states such as Wisconsin. That said, there are some elements of Cramer’s findings that raised questions in my mind, questions that she leaves hanging. Without those answers, it’s hard to know how American politics should move forward.One striking element of the conversations was that public employees in each community were grouped with state government. Someone raised in their town who taught at the local high school for thirty years was, in their worldview, resented as an agent of Madison. The people they grew up with have become villains in their eyes because they teach school. That’s not only sad, but it reflects a disconnection with reality. The high school math teacher who grew up in town is part of the community by any definition.Another villain in rural Wisconsin is the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (DNR), which manages things like hunting and fishing, regulates pollution. Some of Cramer’s people talk about being afraid of the DNR catching them poaching deer or overfishing, both of which are illegal of course. In the same breadth, these people will say, “and the DNR rules don’t even work! The fishing is terrible these days, and there aren’t any more deer.” Apparently it does not cross their minds that their community of poachers might be responsible for the decline of deer and fish. These communities seem blind to a basic fact about how game management works.That’s a nice illustration of how much cow manure came through in these conversations. Rural Wisconsin believes that they pay more taxes than the cities (they don’t), and that they get less state spending (they don’t). Cramer gently documents other things that just aren’t so, but she always says that it’s important for the rest of us to listen to these voices. I agree that we need to listen to these voices, some of whom are my neighbors too. I think it’s also important to think about where these voices are coming from – where are they getting these falsehoods? I have some thoughts, but I won’t share them here.Having been heard, I think it’s important that the people rural Wisconsin do some listening of their own. For people who claim to believe in personal responsibility, they don’t take much responsibility themselves. If they believe that people can succeed through hard work, and if they really work as hard as they claim, why aren’t they succeeding? If, as they recognize, you need an education for the good jobs, why don’t they get an education? If there are no jobs in their community, why don’t they move where the jobs are? If gas is so expensive, why don’t they move into town? I’ve had my own conversations with people in these towns where they complain about their lazy, no-good relatives who won’t get off their behinds and get a job. Cramer didn’t seem to find many of these kinds of people in her samples.Because of her research strategy, Cramer missed the rural Wisconsinites who moved to town and got a good job. Instead, she talked to the older generation, which tends to complain about their children and grandchildren having left these small towns for small cities like Eau Claire or Wausau. The old folks of rural Wisconsin might listen to their own grandkids.

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